This work examines the system of co-ordination of national social security laws in the European Union from a gender perspective. The central question that it raises concerns the level of social security protection enjoyed by women moving throughout the Union in cases of work interruption or marriage dissolution. Women's social security protection has traditionally been based on two criteria, namely economic activity and family/marriage. Work interruptions, in particular for child-rearing, challenge the invocation of economic activity as an effective basis for social security rights. Changing social and family conditions, including the emergence of atypical relationships and increasing divorce rates, challenge the criterion of family/marriage. Efforts have been made within the framework of the national systems of the Member States to address these challenges, often unsuccessfully. So, how successful has the European system of co-ordination, the aim of which is to provide a sufficient level of protection to migrant workers and their families, been in addressing these challenges? The book contains comprehensive discussion of the phenomenon and legal institution of social security, as well as a thorough analysis of the current state of European Community law concerning co-ordination, with a particular focus on gender. It identifies several problematic areas where solutions must be worked out and action taken. The book fills a gap in the legal literature on the social security field and will appeal to those with an interest in social security, including academics, policy-makers and practitioners.
The work of both socio-legal scholars and specialists working in social movements research continues to contribute to our understanding of how law relates to and informs the politics of social movements. In the 1990s, an important line of new research, most of it initiated by those working in the law and society tradition, began to bridge the gaps between these two areas of scholarship. This work includes new approaches to group legal mobilization politics; analysis of the judicial impact on social reform struggles; studies of individual legal mobilization in civil disputing and an almost entirely new area of research in cause lawyering. It brings together the best of this research introduced by a detailed essay by the editor.
The work of both socio-legal scholars and specialists working in social movements research continues to contribute to our understanding of how law relates to and informs the politics of social movements.
Cause Lawyers and Social Movements seeks to reorient scholarship on cause lawyers, inviting scholars to think about cause lawyering from the perspective of those political activists with whom cause lawyers work and whom they seek to serve. It demonstrates that while all cause lawyering cuts against the grain of conventional understandings of legal practice and professionalism, social movement lawyering poses distinctively thorny problems. The editors and authors of this volume explore the following questions: What do cause lawyers do for, and to, social movements? How, when, and why do social movements turn to and use lawyers and legal strategies? Does their use of lawyers and legal strategies advance or constrain the achievement of their goals? And, how do movements shape the lawyers who serve them and how do lawyers shape the movements?
Social Movement Strategies and the Participatory Potential of Litigation ANNA -
MARIA MARSHALL Cause lawyering research is generating an increasingly
detailed picture of the working conditions of attorneys who pursue political
projects ...
Gerakan buruh merupakan gerakan sosial tertua di Indonesia. Tetapi belum berhasil menempatkan kader-kadernya dalam pemerintahan, kecuali di era Soekarno. Gerakan keagamaan yang lebih muda usianya seperti Nahdlatul Ulama dan Muhammadiyah selalu berhasil menempatkan kadernya di pemerintahan bahkan menjadi presiden. Tidak disangsikan fragmentasi gerakan yang terus berlangsung dari masa ke masa telah menguras energi dan tidak bisa memanfaatkan momen-momen penting dalam transisi kekuasaan. Fragmentasi semacam ini di era Orde Baru selalu dialamatkan kepada besarnya campur tangan pemerintah. Tetapi setelah era demokrasi, fragmentasi tidak kunjung berhenti. Watak politik dari gerakan yang lekat sejak kelahirannya, kuatnya gerakan buruh berbasis agama, lemahnya gerakan buruh berbasis lapangan kerja, kekerasan dari kekuatan eksternal, lemah dalam membangun koalisi merupakan beberapa faktor yang mendorong fragmentasi. Meskipun disadari banyak faktor lain, seperti kekuatan eksternal tetapi lemahnya konsensus antar serikat membuat tantangan kolektif terutama terhadap kekuasaan tidak memiliki makna berarti. Dilihat dari jumlah, pada tahun 2019 ada 55,3 juta pekerja formal, suatu potensi suara yang sangat besar. PDIP sebagai pemenang pemilu 2019 hanya meraih suara 27,05 juta. Jika serikat buruh bersatu dan berhasil meyakinkan buruh, bukan mustahil kekuasaan dapat dipegang oleh buruh.
Ia menyuguhkan sebentuk perspektif baru yang didukung oleh nas- nas al-Quran
dan argumentasi keilmuan Islam yang kuat (baik yang klasik dan kontemporer).
Dan tampak ufuk baru di hadapan kita: agama bisa terbuka dan bebas dari ...
